Category: Sentencing

Court upbraids Jerry Brown on ballot measure

Dan Walters, a veteran commentator on California politics, has this column with the above title at CalMatters on the California Supreme Court decision last week in In re Gadlin. See also my post on the decision last week. Walters writes:

A political saga that began more than four decades ago came full circle last week when the state Supreme Court, including four Jerry Brown appointees, indirectly upbraided the former governor.

Unanimously, the court declared that Proposition 57, a major criminal justice overhaul sponsored by Brown and overwhelmingly passed by voters in 2016, did what its critics said it would do, not what Brown told voters.

Continue reading . . .

Lying to the Voters in Ballot Arguments

The ballot materials provided to California voters include pro and con arguments on the initiatives and other measures submitted to the voters. Opponents tend to exaggerate how extreme the measures are, and proponents tend to play down these claims.

What happens when a proponent’s argument simply lies about what the initiative’s language says? Not surprisingly, the California Supreme Court held today that the plain language controls over the argument. Does it matter if the shamelessly lying proponent is the Governor of the State? Nope. Continue reading . . .

Well, Hardly Ever Seek Sentence Enhancements

Rob Hayes reports for ABC7:

Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascon on Friday said he was reversing course on some of the sweeping changes he announced when he took office earlier this month.

In a memo, Gascon said that effective immediately he would now allow deputy DAs to seek sentencing enhancements for hate crimes, child abuse, elder abuse, sexual assault, sex trafficking and certain financial crimes.

Gascon said he was amending his original directive “to allow enhanced sentences in cases involving the most vulnerable victims and in specified extraordinary circumstances. These exceptions shall be narrowly construed.” Continue reading . . .

Sentence Enhancements and Prosecutor Discretion

The just punishment for a crime depends primarily on two factors: what the defendant did and what he has done before. The first step is determining what crime the defendant committed. One problem is that the crimes defined by statutes typically cover a broad range of conduct, and two defendants convicted of the same crime may have very different levels of culpability. Dividing crimes into degrees helps, but only up to a point. Another problem is that nearly everyone agrees that repeat criminals should be punished more severely than first offenders.

This is where sentence enhancements come in. They are essential parts of California’s current sentencing law to make the punishment fit the offense and the offender.

Newly elected Los Angeles DA George Gascón has directed all deputy DAs to never charge sentence enhancements under any circumstances. Is that legal? Can anything be done about it? Continue reading . . .

Stimson Testimony on Ohio Juvenile LWOP Bill

Yesterday, Charles Stimson of the Heritage Foundation presented the following testimony to the Ohio House Criminal Justice Committee. The committee is presently considering Senate Bill 256, which would abolish sentences of life without parole for criminals who commit major crimes as little as one day before their 18th birthdays.

Mr. Stimson was motivated to give this testimony because advocates of the bill had “misstated the law in the area” and “provided misleading information.” Continue reading . . .

Will Biden Throw in with Defense Bar Extremists or with America?

There is understandably a good deal of speculation about whether Joe Biden intends to govern from the center-left or the far left.  Biden won the nomination largely as a centrist-sounding counterpoint to the left wing in his Party, represented by Sen. Elizabeth Warren and particularly by Sen. Bernie Sanders.  But his platform on criminal justice is anything but centrist, calling, for example, for elimination of the death penalty (a punishment a clear majority of Americans support) and an end to  — rather than merely a reduction in  —  mandatory minimum sentences, freeing judges to impose little to no punishment regardless of the savagery of the crime.

Which way will Mr. Biden go?

Continue reading . . .

Acquitted Conduct Diatribe Flops Again

For years, the defense bar and legal academia have been pounding their chests about how grossly unconstitutional it is for a defendant to be sentenced in part based on conduct for which he was acquitted.  And as is often the mantra with these people, they are always on the cusp of victory (see, e.g., the constant chipper refrain that “the death penalty is dying” notwithstanding that the country has pretty steadily had an execution every 16 days for the last five years).

Today, the Supreme Court (without a single dissent so far as I can tell) rejected the latest effort to get it to ban district courts from basing sentencing on acquitted conduct, LUDWIKOWSKI V. UNITED STATES, No. 19-1293.

Continue reading . . .

An Aggressive Interpretation of Precedent

Today, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral argument in Jones v. Mississippi, No. 18-1259, its third case in eight years on the subject of life in prison without parole for murderers who kill before their 18th birthdays. (Transcript here; audio here; docket here.)

Most of the discussion involved two precedents: Miller v. Alabama (2012), which held that LWOP for juvenile murderers must be discretionary, not mandatory, and Montgomery v. Louisiana (2016), which held that Miller was fully retroactive and, in the process, announced that Miller categorically exempted from LWOP all juvenile murderers except those “whose crime reflects irreparable corruption,” whatever that means.

The most interesting development in the argument, to my mind, was when Justice Elena Kagan, the author of Miller and a member of the Montgomery majority, characterized Montgomery as “an aggressive reading” of Miller. I would use stronger language, but considering the source “aggressive” is pretty strong. Might the high court backpedal on Montgomery and return to what Miller actually holds? Continue reading . . .

The Muddy Waters of Miller

Today the Court heard arguments in Jones v. Mississippi.  Although I have not read the briefs in detail, the central issue is whether the “permanent incorrigibility” dicta announced in the landmark case of Miller v. Louisiana requires a finding of that fact by the trial court in order to sentence a juvenile to LWOP.  The case presents two issues, that speak to the difficulty of the Miller holding.

First, and perhaps most apparent, is that if the Court holds such a finding is required, how would it be defined and applied?  Reasonable people can differ in what constitutes permanent incorrigibility and as the Court has said previously, it is not bound by psychological science in defining legal concepts.

Thank goodness.

The obvious first question is whether this finding is based primarily on predictions of a juvenile defendant’s future conduct.  This is problematic because although the scientific literature has shown that some juveniles are life persistent offenders, it remains an arduous task determining which wayward youths will become enduring recidivists.  This is particularly the case if we are to discount the offense conduct and examine other factors, such as adverse childhood experiences, which appear to elevate risk in many juvenile offenders – although nowhere near what past offense conduct does.

The next question is what do we mean by “permanent” incorrigibility?  Life is long for most of us.  One of the most robust findings within criminology is that recidivism risk declines with age.  Even among the most assiduous offenders, criminal behavior is rare in the golden years.  If permanent incorrigibility means something else, such as a person’s overall productive life, difficult definitional questions remain.   Presumably, any standard established by the Court would rely on expert testimony about future risk.  But there are good reasons to suspect that experts’ predictions would be wanting since it is challenging to forecast behavior many decades into the future.

But the real problem in Jones lies with the Court’s past work in Miller.   In Miller, the Court held that LWOP for juveniles violated the federal constitution because it ran afoul of the Court’s determination that juveniles deserve less punishment than adults due to their inherent immaturity and unfledged sense of responsibility, vulnerability to peer pressure, and underdeveloped character.  The Court imbued these as developmental stages that invariably accompany the transition between adolescence and adulthood.

Yet these are not stages insomuch as they are skill sets acquired by most adolescents as they pass into adulthood.   The process of becoming an adult entails understanding and accepting responsibility for one’s behavior, becoming an independent agent, and forming one’s own character.  What life-course-persistent offenders lack throughout their life are exactly these traits of lawful living.  These culpability exceptions implicated in excusing LWOP for juveniles are what makes these kids so dangerous and incorrigible.

The Court has dug itself into a difficult place and my guess is that it will devise a rule that relies on psychological science to provide a veneer of truth regarding who deserves mercy or redemption.

Imprisonment Rate Down, But Why?

The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics has released its annual report on prisoners for 2019. The “imprisonment rate,” defined as number of sentenced prisoners per 100,000 population, continued to decline, as it has since peaking in 2007.

While many people obsess about the imprisonment rate, I consider it to be a statistic of little value, at least by itself. Why is it down? Is it down because crime is down? Because legislatures lowered statutory penalties? Because prosecutors use their discretion not to charge every crime a defendant has committed more often? Because judges use their discretion in sentencing more leniently? Continue reading . . .