Monthly Archive: November 2020

The Biden Plan for Criminal Justice

In her piece in today’s  City Journal , Manhattan Institute scholar Heather MacDonald breaks down the Biden/Harris plan for reforming criminal justice.  She notes that the plan reads like a “Black Lives Matter wish list.”   Items on the list include re-instituting  the Obama era requirement that police departments under consent decrees report weekly to a federal judge justifying that their efforts to enforce the law are not racist.  Under Biden/Harris the requirement also extends to the charging decisions of District Attorneys.  The goal is to “strip police officers and prosecutors of their discretion regarding whom to arrest and whom and how to charge.”

Continue reading . . .

The End for Court Packing and Defunding the Police

In the wake of last week’s election, Republicans currently have 50 Senate seats and Democrats have 48.  Depending on the results of two special elections to be held in Georgia on January 5, Democrats could conceivably get to a 50-50 tie, with VP-elect Harris holding the tie-breaking vote.  That could mean the passage of radical measures such as defunding the police or packing the federal courts, in particular the Supreme Court.  But we now know that, regardless of the outcome of the special elections, those things will not be happening in the upcoming Congress.

Continue reading . . .

Severability

Severability is a question that comes up regularly in criminal cases. If one provision of a law is unconstitutional, should the whole law be declared void? In my view, the correct answer is nearly always no. Some years back, the New York Court of Appeals effectively abolished the death penalty in that state with a non-severability holding that, in my view, was clearly wrong.

Today’s Supreme Court arguments in the Obamacare cases, Texas v. California, No. 19-1019 and California v. Texas, No. 19-840, have nothing to do with criminal law, but they may produce an important precedent on severability. Continue reading . . .

CA Law Makes Serial Rapist Eligible for Parole

A serial rapist who sexually assaulted five young women in the Southern California community of Del Mar in the 1990s will be eligible for parole next year.  Teri Figueroa of the Los Angeles Times reports that although Robert Rustad was sentenced to 326-years-to-life for the assaults, because he was under 23-years-old when the committed the crimes, he will eligible for parole after serving first 25 years of his sentence in 2021.  The law in question, SB 394 was signed by Governor Jerry Brown in 2017.  That same year, Brown signed another law (AB 1308) which raised a defendant’s age to 25 when the crimes were committed to be eligible.

Continue reading . . .

Pardoning at the End of a President’s Term

With Joe Biden’s now having won the election, the question arises whether and how President Trump will exercise his pardon power as his term comes to an end.  Presidents traditionally issue many if not most of their pardons at that time, thus  —  very unfortunately in my view  —  avoiding political accountability for them.  One reason this is so bad is that political accountability is the only kind there is.  Pardons cannot be reviewed or changed by either of the other branches of government.

Continue reading . . .

Buying the Los Angeles District Attorney

While there are still several hundred thousand votes yet to be counted, it appears that former San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón has defeated incumbent Jackie Lacey in the race for Los Angeles County District Attorney.   Last year, Gascón resigned his post in San Francisco supposedly to take care of his mother in Los Angeles, then almost immediately announced he would challenge Lacey.  His record in San Francisco had been abysmal.  The city became the property crime capitol of America last year, and homicides increased dramatically under Gascón’s progressive anti-law enforcement leadership.  Even ultra-liberal SF Mayor London Breed endorsed Lacey.   Yet Gascón won the LA vote by a margin of 7.5%.  How did this happen?

Continue reading . . .

No Letup on Portland Riots

Twelve people were arrested Tuesday night and another three were arrested Thursday as rioters continue to attack police, government buildings, businesses and some neighborhoods in Portland.  The widespread violence Tuesday, as reported by KATU TV, involved crowds of rioters which smashed windows at businesses and church, and threw fireworks and bottles at police.  Several of those arrested were carrying loaded firearms.  William Mansell of Good Morning America reports that rioters on Thursday targeted the suburban home of a Portland City Commissioner throwing  paint-filled balloons at the house.  It was the fourth time this week that the Commissioner’s home had been attacked.  After police dispersed the rioters from the neighborhood, they moved downtown and set fire to City Hall.

 

An Aggressive Interpretation of Precedent

Today, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral argument in Jones v. Mississippi, No. 18-1259, its third case in eight years on the subject of life in prison without parole for murderers who kill before their 18th birthdays. (Transcript here; audio here; docket here.)

Most of the discussion involved two precedents: Miller v. Alabama (2012), which held that LWOP for juvenile murderers must be discretionary, not mandatory, and Montgomery v. Louisiana (2016), which held that Miller was fully retroactive and, in the process, announced that Miller categorically exempted from LWOP all juvenile murderers except those “whose crime reflects irreparable corruption,” whatever that means.

The most interesting development in the argument, to my mind, was when Justice Elena Kagan, the author of Miller and a member of the Montgomery majority, characterized Montgomery as “an aggressive reading” of Miller. I would use stronger language, but considering the source “aggressive” is pretty strong. Might the high court backpedal on Montgomery and return to what Miller actually holds? Continue reading . . .

The Muddy Waters of Miller

Today the Court heard arguments in Jones v. Mississippi.  Although I have not read the briefs in detail, the central issue is whether the “permanent incorrigibility” dicta announced in the landmark case of Miller v. Louisiana requires a finding of that fact by the trial court in order to sentence a juvenile to LWOP.  The case presents two issues, that speak to the difficulty of the Miller holding.

First, and perhaps most apparent, is that if the Court holds such a finding is required, how would it be defined and applied?  Reasonable people can differ in what constitutes permanent incorrigibility and as the Court has said previously, it is not bound by psychological science in defining legal concepts.

Thank goodness.

The obvious first question is whether this finding is based primarily on predictions of a juvenile defendant’s future conduct.  This is problematic because although the scientific literature has shown that some juveniles are life persistent offenders, it remains an arduous task determining which wayward youths will become enduring recidivists.  This is particularly the case if we are to discount the offense conduct and examine other factors, such as adverse childhood experiences, which appear to elevate risk in many juvenile offenders – although nowhere near what past offense conduct does.

The next question is what do we mean by “permanent” incorrigibility?  Life is long for most of us.  One of the most robust findings within criminology is that recidivism risk declines with age.  Even among the most assiduous offenders, criminal behavior is rare in the golden years.  If permanent incorrigibility means something else, such as a person’s overall productive life, difficult definitional questions remain.   Presumably, any standard established by the Court would rely on expert testimony about future risk.  But there are good reasons to suspect that experts’ predictions would be wanting since it is challenging to forecast behavior many decades into the future.

But the real problem in Jones lies with the Court’s past work in Miller.   In Miller, the Court held that LWOP for juveniles violated the federal constitution because it ran afoul of the Court’s determination that juveniles deserve less punishment than adults due to their inherent immaturity and unfledged sense of responsibility, vulnerability to peer pressure, and underdeveloped character.  The Court imbued these as developmental stages that invariably accompany the transition between adolescence and adulthood.

Yet these are not stages insomuch as they are skill sets acquired by most adolescents as they pass into adulthood.   The process of becoming an adult entails understanding and accepting responsibility for one’s behavior, becoming an independent agent, and forming one’s own character.  What life-course-persistent offenders lack throughout their life are exactly these traits of lawful living.  These culpability exceptions implicated in excusing LWOP for juveniles are what makes these kids so dangerous and incorrigible.

The Court has dug itself into a difficult place and my guess is that it will devise a rule that relies on psychological science to provide a veneer of truth regarding who deserves mercy or redemption.

Should Justice Barrett Recuse Herself from Election Cases?

This is not about criminal law, but might prove to be of considerable interest to readers in coming weeks.  It may turn out that tomorrow’s election will come down to a few closely contested key states (e.g., Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan, Arizona), and that, in those states, there will be heated disputes about ballot counting and other kinds of alleged election irregularities.  These could wind up in the Supreme Court.  With Chief Justice Roberts sometimes joining the liberals, the result could turn on whether Justice Barrett participates in the decision.  The question whether she should is thoughtfully addressed in this balanced article by Prof. Jonathan Adler of Case Western Reserve.  (Hint:  There is a reasonable argument that she should recuse herself but an at least equally strong argument that she shouldn’t.  Although she alone makes the call, she would very likely consult with her fellow Justices in making her decision).